Caste Census and Public Policy

Public policy should be an outcome of democratic practice, a data-driven approach, and professional expertise. While data poverty has been attributed as one of the major challenges in framing policies for development, the democratic representation of the population can be attained through quota reservations in the decision-making process. Dealing with the thorny issues around quotas, meritocracy, social justice, inclusion, and opportunity leads to huge public debate with implications extending beyond the electoral politics realm. Since the social change is intrinsically political, data on caste is crucial because, in the absence of it, the only evidence we have is anecdotal.

Evidence-based policymaking based on caste census data is a better approach leading rather than arbitrary decisions lobbied by a dominant group and populist narrative. Caste-based data can reveal disparities in education, employment, healthcare, and other socio-economic indicators among different caste groups. This information is crucial for identifying marginalized communities and designing targeted interventions to address their needs.

What are the ‘natural’ building blocks of Indian society – gender, class, caste, region, and religion? The answer may vary but the development of Indian society be discussed without mentioning caste as the pivotal factor. Caste continues to be a determinant of educational opportunities, a robust indicator of economic status, and a gateway to decent employment opportunities. The commission, headed by B.P. Mandal, submitted its report in 1980, recommending a reservation of 27% of government jobs for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The reservation was implemented based on the 1931 caste census, which found that 52% of Indians were OBC and did not fall into the category of scheduled castes or tribes. Our reservation policy is based on caste data that is outdated by a century.  Having reliable data from such caste census can serve as a foundational element for developing targeted and effective public welfare schemes to address the diverse needs of different communities.

Even though politics is controlled by the prism of caste, public policy is often focused on the problems of market failure or state failure. By prioritizing human development and implementing meaningful social reforms, we can invest meaningfully toward unlocking democratic dividends. The primary purpose of reservation is to make public institutions more representative and diverse by including the voices of caste groups who don’t find inclusion due to entrenched discrimination. The most well-intentioned social interventions fail because of the ground realities that consultants /bureaucracy/ policymakers often fail to grasp due to a lack of data. Analyzing the state capacity with the data-driven approach can help us anticipate unintended consequences and help pick a context-appropriate policy instrument.

In urban India, the debate on caste, especially among educated classes, revolves around the quota. While very conveniently, its other aspects - mental isolation, stigma, discrimination, bullying, etc. are ignored. Representation, inclusion, and diversity are all liberal progressive ideas. Only through intelligent use of caste census data can contribute to public reasoning. There are two opposing perspectives, one by Yogendra Yadav and the other by Pratap Bhanu Mehta worth reading.  

जातीय जनगणना होनी चाहिए या नहीं? Pros and Cons of a Caste Census | Puliyabaazi Hindi

SECC data is out.

As per Prof Cornel West, Democracy always raises the fundamental question: What is the role of the most disadvantaged in the public interest? The catch in the valid question lies in the definition of the 'Disadvantage Class/Caste'. The definition of "Who are they" varies among politicians, academics, and policymakers. Any major program in any sector can't be effective without a robust information system. The road to social justice for all should be based on solid data for understanding ground realities.

SECC data is out. This census takes caste into account for the first time in any such exercise since 1931. But the government is hiding OBC numbers. The previous government led by the Congress had also decided to conduct a caste-based census, but not to make the data public. The reasons for withholding this data can only be political.  Data on economic indicators, with special enumeration of SCs and STs, is done by the regular census as well. SECC was commissioned because many parties wanted similar numbers for the OBCs to pitch for political mileage. However, it is always tough to digest that SECC was done to mitigate the absence of large-scale, credible, and empirical data for public policy. But, it is a matter of time before the numbers are made public.

There was once a huge hue and cry over caste census as being labeled as divisive by upper caste-dominated groups. Prof. Kancha Ilaiah had explained this in his article: Who’s afraid of caste census? --- "Caste culture is all around us. In the dalit-bahujan discourse, the upper castes are being shown as constituting less than 15 per cent. This could be totally wrong. Even within the lower castes there are several false claims about numbers. Every caste claims that it is numerically the strongest and keeps asking for its “rightful” share. How to tell them that their claims are wrong? When caste has become such an important category of day-to-day reckoning it is important to have proper data at hand to tell communities that they constitute this much and cannot ask for more than their share. It is true that we cannot distribute everything based on caste. But caste census is the right basis for statistics such as literacy rate and issues like the proportion of representation. Once we cite the Census data there cannot be any authentic opposition to that evidence."

There is unquestionable value in a general policy of reservation as merit can't be the only criteria for granting subsidies and quotas. Social Justice and economic barriers also need to be fulfilled for deciding such national/state-level policies. Despite deep affiliation with caste groups, the public is ready and eager to advance toward a more transparent and accountable society. And, making SECC data publicly available would improve transparency in the political debates if not direct action leading to better governance.

The bigger question isn't the availability of the data but the lack of willpower to implement the policy. There is all the required data available for STs in the census yet there is a siphoning of funds allocated to SC/STs. (Systemic denial and diversion of budgetary allocations). Many departments have failed miserably in allocating funds and even spending that minor fund for the TSP as per the proportion of the tribal population of the state. The manipulation made by the bureaucracy and political leaders in making the decision to divert the TSP fund showed a huge contrast between public policy and data-based evidence. Also, there is a deafening silence on Gender Budgeting (GB) in the corridors of power. So we have a country where no one pays heed to independent minds seeking evidence-based policy in the social sector. In such a political system, one has to learn to manipulate rather than simply put the case.

A pure functioning meritocracy would produce a society with growing inequality, but that inequality would come along with a correlated increase in social mobility. Is this really happening across caste and religion? We can only guess policy as there is not yet sufficient data for planning on caste-based issues. SECC data would even regenerate healthy debate between two groups proposing - either 'caste-blind &class-based' or 'caste & class based' type of affirmative action. The best way to improve the quality of the debate is by providing individuals with the data to make informed choices in a democratic country. SECC data is crucial for making sound evidence-based plans, it helps us understand what justice is so that appropriate policy can be made for the Disadvantaged class/caste.